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Abstract The aim of this special thematic section is to bring together recent social psychological research on the topic of citizenship with a view to discerning the emerging trends within the field and its potential contributions to the broader interdisciplinary area of citizenship studies.

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Eight papers spanning diverse theoretical traditions including social identity, social representations and discursive approaches apply an array of methods to consider different aspects of citizenship across a variety of cultural and national contexts. While diverse, the contributions share some core commonalities: all share a concern in trying to understand citizenship from the perspective of the citizen; all conceptualise citizenship as an active and reflective process occurring between members of a community; and all highlight the irreducibly social and collective nature of the experience and practice of citizenship in everyday life.

We propose that these elements of convergence have the potential to give the social psychology of citizenship a solid basis and recognisable profile in order to contribute to the broader arena of citizenship studies. We have no references for this item. You can help adding them by using this form.

European Citizenship: Between Inclusion and Exclusion

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Economic literature: papers , articles , software , chapters , books. During apartheid South Africa White minority had full citizenship and majority of the population had less or no entitlement to citizenship. When the democratic government resumed office, it attempted to create a new citizenry whereby everyone would have equal access to socio-economic and political citizen rights.

The rise to power of the African National Congress brought hope to the historically exploited, excluded and oppressed populations. Who can and who cannot contract into this status and what rights are able to be exercised is also shaped by who possesses the nation. Historically, it was white heterosexual men who contracted into the political order through the social contract. Women and Indigenous people who did not consent to this order are required to agree to it.

Thus inequality is built into the very premise of the "social contract" which in modernity takes the form of citizenship. I argue that citizenship operates discursively to contain Indigenous people's engagement with the economy through social rights.

The political focus on the receipt of welfare being tied to behavioural outcomes precludes consideration of Indigenous sovereign rights to our lands and resources, which would enable Indigenous economic development within a capitalist market economy. In Australia, white possession became solidified in the form of a racial contract between the state and its citizens whereby race became the organizing principle operating politically, morally and epistemologically.

Citizenship as a racial contract stipulates who can count as full moral and political persons, thereby setting the boundaries for those who can and cannot "contract" into the freedom and equality that it promises.

The predominantly white male colonisers who arrived in Australia were British subjects, and with the formation of state governments they and their descendants were deemed citizens of those states. White men designed and established the legal, economic and political institutions that control and maintain the social structure under which Australians now live. In , at the time of Federation, citizenship was not defined in Australia's constitution, but rather the rights associated with it were housed within state legislation and subsequent commonwealth legislation.

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At the beginning of the twentieth century, substantive citizenship within the new Australian nation state was racially defined by the white Australia policy; as a general rule white men and women who lived in Australia were considered citizens and only white people were encouraged to migrate to become citizens of the new nation thereby encouraging them to invest in the nation as a white possession. The Australian Citizenship Act formalised citizenship, but only to the degree that people who were born in Australia are Australian citizens; the rights of citizenship are not stipulated within this Act.

Instead, as John Chesterman and Brian Galligan write, "Australian citizenship came by way of separate Commonwealth and State statutes and administrative practices. It was not until the s that Indigenous people gained formal rights of citizenship through the repealing of racially discriminatory Commonwealth and State legislation. Clearly, a racial contract was in place excluding Indigenous people from the social, political and economic institutions of the nation.

In the s, new commonwealth funded Indigenous programs were developed followed by state programs opening up employment opportunities in the public sector, which remains the primary labour market for Indigenous people. Now, fifty years on from the referendum, Indigenous people in Australia remain at the bottom of the socio-economic ladder.

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This pattern has remained consistent for over two centuries irrespective of the state of the economy. Nevertheless, from the perspective of white Australia, the lack of improvement on every social indicator - from health and education to housing and employment - functions discursively as evidence of Indigenous people's "bad behaviour. The discourse of citizenship contributes to this pathologisation because it is assumed that we receive the same entitlements as white citizens and have the same access to and participation in the nation's political and economic institutions.

These assumptions enable the claim that Australia is not a racist country - after all, we no longer have the white Australia policy and all racially discriminatory legislation has been repealed. Racial discrimination may have played a part in the past but Indigenous people are now considered to be equal citizens by white Australia. The solution to Indigenous people's current social and economic predicament, if we follow this logic, in large part lies in changing addictive behaviour.

Citizenship, Exclusion and the Denial of Indigenous Sovereign Rights - ABC Religion & Ethics

Indigenous people have to behave responsibility and become good citizens. According to this reasoning, economic factors and history only play a small role in creating poverty. But this is not borne out by the evidence, which shows Indigenous people in Canada, the United States, New Zealand and Australia are all at the bottom of the socio-economic ladder.


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  4. The normalcy of our shared socio-economic position by each nation's Indigenous population, despite our different cultures within and across borders, means there has to be some shared conditions we have experienced in common over time to produce these outcomes. The current socio-economic position of Indigenous people relies heavily on the fiscal basis of the state. In order to change this dependency and allow Indigenous people to participate within the real economy, the state has to forego some of its sovereign rights.