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The problematization of the 'Roma question' in social rather than ethnic or cultural terms, allowed the state authorities to legitimate their interventions in the lives of the Roma and to depoliticize the discriminatory practices associated with this interventions:. They are instead a 'social problem' requiring 'rehabilitation' and 'reintegration', who can - and must - be brought back into the fold of 'society'. The consequences of this are extremely negative, because it is. This is how cultural questions are reclassified as 'social problems'; it is this vision which lies behind the assume duty - and thus the right - of active intervention, and gives rise to measures of 'assistance' opening up the way for full-scale drives aimed at 'reintegration' and 'rehabilitation'.

These flawed analyses encourage a focus on the consequences of a given situation such as health problems, poverty, illiteracy, etc. The socialist campaign to assimilate the Roma - mainly through enforced employment and education - had its ambiguous results. By not being accorded the status of national minority, the Roma could not benefit from education in their own language.

The Struggle for Survival of the Roma People: Europe's Most Hated

By encouraging them to take semi or unskilled jobs in the heavy industry or state cooperatives - which were the first ones made redundant after - and by offering them substandard housing on the outskirts of towns and villages or of much poorer quality than those offered to the majority population shows the Roma were rather seen as second-class citizens. These past injustices were to be addressed by the new policies and programmes set in place after by national governments, local and international NGOs and especially by intergovernmental organizations.

In the next section, I will sketch the changes in minority representations and forms and instruments of governance that facilitated such changes. After the fall of the socialist regimes we can observe a new perspective on governing Roma related affairs, from the old narratives and programmes of discipline, control or policing, or alongside them, to more neo liberal forms of governing, based on narratives of empowerment, self-government, capacity building, increasing self-esteem and active inclusion.

When the. Council of Europe CoE transformed minority protection into a cornerstone for the membership into the European Union for the CEE states - alongside a functional market economy and democratic institutions Council of Europe b - all future applicant states had to change their policies for national minorities.

The further Europeanization of Romani representations continued in the same year when CoE issued Recommendation on the situation of Gypsies in Europe, remarking that 'living scattered all over Europe, not having a country to call their own, they are a true European minority [ The changing minority representation of Roma as a European one marks a new turning point for state policies.

Indeed, as I have already suggested above, if during the formation of nation-states, communism and Nazism, the Roma were framed as a non-European, foreign minority, whose place was not yet in Europe Mayall , Saul and Tebbutt , Willems , after , European institutions, IGOs and Romani NGOs started framing Roma as a European minority. When asking who the Roma are, the World Bank will respond in one of its extensive report with 'the largest and most vulnerable minority in Europe' Ringold, Orenstein, and Wilkens , 3.

As a consequence, heterogeneous Romani, Sinti, and Traveller groups throughout Europe have been framed in terms of their European belonging and European minority identity. The active involvement of EU institutions and IGOs was certainly a result of the numerous inter-ethnic conflicts present in CEE countries at the beginning of the In Romania alone, until , Richard Hajek identified 37 mob and institutional police abuses attacks against Roma communities.

With the mids, EU institutions - who previously did not have any minority policies - started promoting 'hard' modes of governance. Later, during accession negotiations with the CEE countries, the European institutions have approached the Roma within the wider European integration framework. The EU encouraged governments in the former socialist countries to develop strategies at national and local level as part of the requirements for EU membership. Still, the EU accession conditionality has had an ambiguous effect. Scholars from the Europeanization literature show that rule transfer from EU to non-member states are more effective if they pose a threat to future membership if not complying with them Schimmelfennig and Sedelmeier , Schimmelfennig However, the Copenhagen criteria did not have clear targets or processes by which this conditionality could be strengthened or enforced.

Simultaneously, the acquis communautaire did not contain rules for the respect of minority rights, so that delicate issues related to inter-ethnic relations were left in the responsibilities of national governments, limiting the impact of EU accession Rechel In addition, the EU harmonization by law met the blatant reality of a highly diversified recognition of Roma minority as an ethnic, cultural or linguistic group. However, alongside the hard modes of governance, the EU has adopted 'soft' modes of minority governance by directly engaging civil society actors and Roma representatives in the policy fabric.

The active involvement of Roma has to do with the new approach to governance developed in the second half of the s that had an impact on minority policies at European and national level. It is under this umbrella that Roma experts were hired in local and national public institutions. Roma activist from human rights and development NGOs that were implementing Roma projects in the s, were the ones who crossed sectors later, entering public administration2.

The active participation of the Roma civil society and representatives is in line with the new approach of the European institutions regarding the reform of global social policy to describe the latter towards active welfare states, embodied in the Lisbon Strategy European Commission a. These processes cannot be related only with minority governance, but with a broader objective of transforming European governance. Since the Lisbon Strategy, the EU started to be concerned about its democratic deficit and lack of legitimacy.

Strengthening civil society, private and public local actors, are part of the EU effort to make the structures of governance more democratic, efficient and legitimate in representing people interests and more broadly to bring the EU closer to its citizens. Since then, softer instruments of governance have been developed, such as public-private partnerships, the Open Method of Coordination 'to introduce more democratic parameters in decision-making, and to regain the lost popular confidence in the European integration project' Borras and Jacobsson , The latter was introduced as a compromise in coordinating social policies, since the EU did not have any levers for binding regulations in this domain, which was rather subsumed to the principle of subsidiarity.

Through the. In , through a Ministry Order, the County Councils were recommended to hire a Roma expert in the local branches of the National Employment Agency, a measure followed up by half of the Counties Zamfir , As I will show in the next section, these soft instruments of governance are used when hard instruments are lacking.

While their efficiency is often contested, they tend to reinforce the socio-economic and political exclusion of Roma. Most of the policy-documents reflected a more neoliberal discourse in solving minority and social affairs through the processes of decentralization, public-private partnerships and mobilization of civil society organizations in policy design and implementation European Commission b, , , World Bank In most cases, these policy options were supported by IGOs, EU institutions or other external donors by introducing them as eligibility criteria for obtaining projects.

In Romania, some of these practices were established since the early s. In this period, many NGOs were 'born' as a result of the increasing international donor funding. Many of their initiatives were taken over by state authorities and transformed in public policies: school and health mediators, 'the second chance' school program, Roma job fairs.

Mobilizing civil society has become an important pillar on the IGOs agenda after the fall of socialism, which needed to be revived, supported, encouraged, and developed through trainings and capacity building. The focus of IGOs on mobilizing civil society and the involvement of NGOs or various forms of representation is based on the rationale that the latter will be involved in developing and implementing development strategies, and also will enable grass-roots democratization Weiss However, although these soft modes of governance were launched during the Lisbon Strategy as a deliberative-democratic and non-coercive way to facilitate Roma inclusion, they tend to displace and de-politicize delicate issues and social conflicts between the EU and its member states van Baar b, 11 by devolving complex problems of inequality, socioeconomic marginalization and segregation to NGOs and local authorities.

The case of ethnic segregation in schools is highly relevant here due to Romania's commitment for school desegregation in the last decade. School segregation was on the agenda of IGOs and other foreign donors since the beginning of the s when Romani human rights NGOs observed human rights violations by segregating Romani students in special schools for Roma or in special classes in the case of mainstream schools. Using the rhetoric of human and minorities rights in the context of European integration, the NGOs could pressure public authorities to adopt national legislative measures to combat school segregation.

A law that prohibited discrimination based on race, ethnicity, religion or disability was passed in in the Parliament to meet the above-mentioned European Directive. Instead, the Minister of Education adopted non-binding rules to combat discrimination: a circular from which forbade establishing kindergarten classes and primary and secondary classes on ethnic grounds, and a Ministerial decree from that forbids segregated classes in the 1st and 5th grade. If in other countries from CEE, like Bulgaria and Hungary, measures against school segregation have been converted into laws, in Romania, segregation is defined in a circular of the Minister and in a ministerial order with a less binding status than a law.

In the absence of anti-discrimination laws in education, public authorities have no specific obligation to prevent and eliminate segregation in education and the above-mentioned measures are not followed by sanctions Taba and Ryder , , European Roma Rights Center With no independent body to monitor the implementation of governmental strategies in education and of raw data to provide a diagnostic of the process, school segregation seems to continue in a more or less visible form.

In Aiud most Roma students are enrolled in one of the local schools, known as the 'Gypsy school' as a result of a residential segregation. Segregation of spoitori Roma children in Oltenita is justified by the school principal as a result of cultural differences between the Roma and Romanian children, noting that 'it is better for Roma children to be segregated' Vincze a, Because of the lack of binding laws that would prohibit school segregation, most of the initiatives are project-based and passed on to local authorities and NGOs. Even the National Actions Plans that resulted from the Decade of Roma Inclusion did not have clear targets, indicators and an established budget.

Moreover, local authorities could segregate Romani students on the ground of implementing legal provisions for the education in minority language. In a town from Alba County, Roma students were segregated in separate classes on the basis of teaching courses in Romani language although they did not speak Romani3. Local authorities, NGOs and national governments participate in the European Roma Summits, and a European Roma Platform was established for municipalities, governments and local NGOs to exchange best practices in the field of Roma inclusion.

This led to a more ambiguous responsibility related to Roma affairs. No doubt that the new framework has passed the accountability for Romani inclusion to national governments, who have passed it down to local authorities, decentralized institutions, Roma experts and community representatives Guy a.

This 'web of governance' Clarke that results from the passing of responsibilities upwards towards EU and downwards towards local governments and NGOs might entail a crises of democratic accountability van Baar First of all, by Europeanizing social inclusion policies, a 'politics of reinterpretation' Vermeersch took shape, where national elites could transfer the responsibilities for Romani inclusion to European institutions, although Roma are citizens of Member States. The National Strategies with its Action Plans, targets, and measures are negotiated within experts groups, policy experts from Ministries and even European Commission, far away from national parliaments, local authorities, not to say Roma citizens, therefore questions of legitimacy can be posed.

Second, by advancing financing lines that can be directly absorbed by local authorities and NGOs, conflicts between the EU and national governments are depoliticized and placed in the hands of the latter. This raises questions about local authorities' capacity to attract external funds, because of limited human resources, know-how, and financial resources. Often, small administrative units have to solicit consulting firms to write projects because of their lack of capacity4.

As some scholars have shown, as a result of a poor institutional capacity of local authorities to develop and implement complex socio-economic development programs, they are left with no choice other than to adopt hostile policies doubled by moralizing discourses about poor adaptability, laziness and lack of will for integration Vincze a, Vincze and Hossu b. Last, but not least, the passing of responsibilities for Roma inclusion to Roma experts, representatives or Romani NGOs tends to displace complex issues of marginality, exclusion and discrimination away from state related authorities and place it in the hands of Roma experts and NGOs.

The case of Roma who were evicted from the centre of Cluj-Napoca to Pata Rat is an illustrative one when the prefect of Cluj has failed to use his administrative power to postpone the eviction after winter. A similar case is met in Sanmartin, Harghita county, where an inter-ethnic conflict between Roma and Hungarians in led to a pogrom where some Roma houses were badly wrecked and the Roma had to flee from their houses Romani Criss The case was also taken by Romani Criss6 and it is still pending in courts7.

During the last 25 years we have been witnessing to large scale European programmes, national policies and numerous - but very fragmented, non-integrated, less sustainable - projects to improve Roma socio-economic situation in Romania. The assimilationist and disciplinary policies of the socialist regimes were replaced by the new democratic and inclusive policies set in place after The involvement of various IGOs, European. In time, Romani Criss helped numerous Romani victims to file complaints with national and European courts for human rights violations perpetrated by the police or local authorities.

The article delineates some of the pitfalls in this model of minority governance. The growing implication of European institutions in promoting soft governance after the Lisbon Strategy, through capacity building of public institutions and NGOs, establishing networks of public-private partnerships, the growing implication of NGOs in combating discrimination and social exclusion, is a way through which the EU tries to exert governmental power over Member States in domains where it does not have binding regulations and that are more subordinated to the principle of subsidiarity as social policy and social inclusion.

Soft modes of governance raise issues of democratic legitimacy since this heterarchical or network forms of coordination are not based on command and control type of policies and as a consequence, are amenable to a loose political control see Borras and Conzelmann By strengthening civil society organizations and offering funding lines for local authorities, a de-politicization of conflict between EU institutions and governments takes place, where complex problems of inequality, marginalization and segregation are devolved to lower scales of governance.

Questions marks can be raised in the case of smaller territorial administrative units where most Roma live about their capacity to attract these funds. Rather, their inability to map and implement complex socio-economic developmental programmes left them with no choice other than to 'contain' the Romani communities that are not able to integrate, as the cases of Baia Mare, Cluj-Napoca or Alba Iulia show. Left to their own devices, Roma often have appealed to Roma and proRoma NGOs and Roma experts to tackle their socio-economic exclusion and low social mobility.

Furthermore, the Europeanization of Roma policies has paved the way for a devolution of responsibilities for Roma socio-economic inclusion away from national governments and national politicians to European level and civil society NGOs van Baar , Agarin , which raises questions about democratic accountability and political will in bridging the gap between Roma and non-Roma.

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